Research Seminar Series
Wed Apr 13 @ 8:00AM
Roundtable Symposium on South Africa’s Trilateral and Multilateral Development Cooperation: Outcomes and way forward.
Thu Mar 31 @ 9:30AM
The results of Myanmar’s general elections that took place on the 8th of November 2015, promise a new era in a country that has been dominated by military rule for the past decades. However, this will only be judged by the willingness of the military to pave way for a more inclusive and democratic government.
Post Second World War, the strategic importance of the Indian Ocean region led to hegemonic states competing for ownership, power and influence in the region. The establishment of the Indian Ocean Rim Association for Regional Co-operation in 1995 was significant because there was a need for countries of the Indian Ocean to unite and not allow states from other regions to take over. In 1997, the Indian Ocean Rim Association for Regional Co-operation was transformed to the Indian Ocean Rim Association (IORA).Currently, with the latest additions to IORA, the association has 21 member states and 7 dialogue partners under its wing. The Indian Ocean, which has historically been a space of cultural and economic exchange, is the third largest ocean and serves for transportation and international trade with two-thirds of the world’s oil shipments, a third of the world’s bulk cargo traffic and half of the world’s container ships travelling through the region.
The regional retreat of the Third ASEAN Defence Ministers Meeting (ADMM-Plus) plus eight other countries; Australia, China, India, Japan, South Korea, New Zealand, Russia and the United States, took place on the 4th November 2015 in Malaysia. However the meeting faced a setback when the Ministers failed to issue a joint declaration of the regional security for the first time in the ADMM-Plus. The failure is attributed to the issues of the South China Sea dispute, where it said that China opposed the mention of its construction of artificial islands in the South China Sea in the joint statement.
The South African, Chilean and Colombian economies have generally struggled due to factors such as corruption (public and private), the global economic recession, struggling economic performance and productivity, growing populations and needs, brain drain, persistent inequality and poverty, declining public expenditures particularly on education, and challenges of sourcing investments. The South African situation is fraught with threats to economic advancement, as it is has to prioritise various development projects apart from education, while simultaneously dealing with the South African economy that was predicted to grow by 2% for 2015. However, there may be ways to resolve the challenges of education, despite the attempts by the respective governments to temper student dissatisfaction and resolve the issues put on the table by the frustrated youth.
Jamaica’s contribution to the struggle against apartheid, slavery, colonialism, racism, Pan-Africanism and inequality on the African continent is notable. This history connects both South Africa and Jamaica, as Jamaica became the first State to declare a trade embargo against the Apartheid government of South Africa in 1957. The two countries have strong historical and political ties, as Jamaica played an important role in supporting South Africa in the struggle against Apartheid. The relationship between the two countries has also been based on a common desire to influence the global agenda in the 21st century, in a manner that reflects the aspirations of developing countries, and the African Diaspora in particular.
Bolivia is known for its political instability and forced removal of political leaders through military coups. Following Evo Morales electoral victory in 2005, Bolivia has experienced significant economic growth and political stability. This is indicated by the growth rate in GDP PPP (from $4 578 in 2005 to $5 279 in 2010, and $5 650 in 2012) and improvement in the Human Development Index (HDI), climbing from rank 115 in 2008 to 113 in 2013. Morales is the longest serving Bolivian President to date, due largely to a strong electoral base consisting of indigenous civilians and the working class. Morales has been re-elected to run office for a third term, with large sectors of the Bolivian society now calling for him to run for a fourth term. This paper will look at the manner in which the pro-Morales civilians plan to achieve their goal of keeping the President in office for another term and how Morales managed to maintain a strong support base.